The Bankers' Cartel
Spring 1995
THE CASE AGAINST THE FED
Murray N. Rothbard
Ludwig von Mises Institute, 1994, 158 pgs.
Murray Rothbard begins this outstanding book by calling
attention to a
paradox. The Federal Reserve System enjoys virtual immunity from
Congressional
investigation. The few who propose to subject the Fed to even
minimal scrutiny,
such as Henry Gonzales of Texas, at once find a consensus arrayed
against them
(Pp. 1 ff.). They threaten the stability of the market; since,
it is alleged,
only the Fed's independence blocks the onset of uncontrollable
inflation.
Here lies the paradox. Inflation results from the infusion of
new money
into the economy, and it is the Fed that is responsible for its
creation. "The
culprit solely responsible for inflation, the Federal Reserve, is
continually
engaged in raising a hue-and- cry about `inflation' for which
virtually everyone
else in society seems to be responsible" (p. 11). How did
this odd
situation come about?
As one would expect from a top flight economist, Rothbard
responds by
tracing the problem to its roots. He briefly and clearly
explains how money
originated in a barter economy. Some commodities are much easier
to market than
others, and "[o]nce any particular commodity starts to be
used as a medium,
this very process has a spiraling or snowballing effect" (p.
13). Soon one
or two commodities emerge into general use as a medium of
exchange. And this,
precisely, is money. Gold and silver have almost always been the
commodities
that win the competition for marketability. "Accordingly,
every modern
currency unit originated as a unit of weight of gold or
silver" (p. 17).
Why has Rothbard gone to such pains to describe a historical
process that
seems very remote from the Fed? By beginning with a simple case
he can
elucidate the basic mechanism that underlies the Fed's operation.
To explain a
complex event by starting with a simple method and gradually
complicating it is
a basic procedure of modern science. Galileo termed this
"resoluto-compositive"
method and Descartes described it at length. Once one grasps how
money has
emerged, the key to understanding the mysteries of the Fed lies
at hand.
We already can answer the following question; what is the
optimum quantity
of money? If one has understood the explanation of money's
genesis, the answer
is apparent. An increase in the supply of money does not
increase real wealth,
since money is used only in exchange. (The exception owing to
non-monetary uses
of gold and silver can for our purposes be ignored) "Any
quantity of money
in society is `optimal' "(p. 20). And, to add one
complication, the answer
remains the same when paper money has been introduced.
A problem now arises for the analysis so far presented. If an
increase in
the supply of money does not increase real wealth, why have
governments
continually resorted to inflation? Rothbard's response involves
another
fundamental insight of Austrian economics. Inflation does not
affect everyone
equally; quite the contrary, those who first obtain new money
gain a great
advantage, since they can purchase goods and services before most
people become
aware that the purchasing power of money has fallen. Inflation
in is thus a
form of counterfeiting (pp. 27-29).
But it is not the only form; another type of counterfeiting
arose out of
deposit banking. Because of the inconvenience of carrying gold
and silver,
people often deposited the metals in banks, obtaining in return a
receipt.
These receipts, since they are promises to pay gold or silver,
soon began to
circulate as money substitutes. But a temptation presented
itself to the
bankers. The receipts normally did not specify particular gold
or silver coins
to be returned to the depositor; they were rather entitlements
to specified
amounts of the money commodity. (Rothbard notes that the great
nineteenth-century economist W. S. Jevons warned against these
"general
deposit warrants" [p. 37]). Since they need only return
the amount of
money specified in the receipt, bankers might give out more
receipts than they
had gold or silver on hand, trusting that not all depositors
would demand
redemption at the same time. For those willing to assume this
risk, the
prospect of vast profits called appealingly.
But is not this practice a blatant instance of fraud? So it
would appear,
and so Rothbard firmly avers that it is. Unfortunately, several
nineteenth
century British legal decisions held otherwise, and these
verdicts were adopted
by the American courts as well. Rothbard describes the legal
situation with the
sure hand of a master historian (pp. 42-44).
Our banker-counterfeiter, one might assume, can now proceed
happily on his
way to illicit fortune. But an obstacle confronts him; should
he issue more
receipts than he can redeem, the clients of other banks may ruin
him through
demands for payment that he cannot make good. The solution is
obvious; by
unifying the banks in a centralized system, this check to
fraudulent wealth
creation would be ended. Hence the movement for a central
banking system, whose
history in Britain and the United States Rothbard deftly
summarizes.
The Federal Reserve System, as Rothbard makes crystal clear,
was the
culmination of efforts that continued throughout the nineteenth
century to
centralize banking. "By the 1890s, the leading Wall Street
bankers were
becoming disgruntled with their own creation, the National
Banking System. . .
.while the banking system was partially centralized under their
leadership, it
was not centralized enough" (p. 79). As he describes the
movement to
cartelize banking, Rothbard introduces a dominant theme in his
interpretation of
twentieth-century American history; the struggle of competing
groups of bankers
for power. "From the 1890s until World War II, much of
American political
history. . .can be interpreted not so much as `Democrat' versus
`Republican' but
as the interaction or conflict between the Morgans and their
allies on the one
hand, and the Rockefeller-Harriman-Kuhn, Loeb alliance on the
other" (p.
92).
In the agitation to establish the Fed, the House of Morgan was
in the
ascendant; and Rothbard stresses the importance of the conference
held at Jekyll
Island, Georgia, in November, 1910, under Morgan control (pp. 114
ff). The
entire section of the book (pp. 79-118) that deals with the
origin of the Fed
shows Rothbard's incredibly detailed historical knowledge.
Though he was too
modest to do so, he could had he wished have echoed the boast of
Fustel de
Coulanges: "It is not I who speak, but history who speaks
through me."
Rothbard brings the historical section of the book to a close
with a discussion
of the Fed's early years in which the Governor of the New York
Fed, Benjamin
Strong, guaranteed Morgan control (pp. 124-129). Only with the
coming of the
New Deal were the Morgan interests relegated to a lesser role, as
the
Rockefellers assumed leadership of the Eastern Establishment.
Rothbard draws
attention to the research of Thomas Ferguson, who has interpreted
the New Deal
as an anti-Morgan coup (p. 131, n. 40).
"Philosophers have only interpreted the world; the point
however is to
change it." For once, Rothbard agreed with his ideological
antipodes, Karl
Marx; and the present work is not only an academic study but a
plan for action.
And the plan in question is a radical one. If Rothbard is
correct, the entire
basis of modern deposit banking, the fractional reserve system,
is a type of
counterfeiting that must be abolished. Under present
arrangements, "the
Fed has the well-nigh absolute power to determine the money
supply if it so
wishes" (p. 144). In response, the Federal Reserve System
must be
liquidated and the gold standard restored "at one
stroke" (p. 146).
Again and again, the reader will be struck by the way in which
Rothbard's
grasp of fundamental economic principles enables him to overturn
conventional
thinking. A brilliant example of this is his unmasking of the
fallacy involved
in deposit insurance (pp. 134- 137). Wittgenstein says in the
Tractatus, "Whatever
can be said, can be said clearly;" but few have been able to
live up to his
exacting dictum. Murray Rothbard's writing always displayed the
clarity of a
first-rate mind. Those who wish to see this mind in action, as
well as learn
from someone in total control of the literature of American
economic history,
should immediately secure of The Case Against the Fed.