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Mrs. Thatcher's departure from British rule
befitted her entire reign: blustering in rhetoric
("the Iron Lady will never quit") accompanied by very little concrete
action (as the Iron Lady
quickly departed).
Her rhetoric did bring free-market ideas back to
respectability in Britain for the first time
in a half-century, and it is certainly gratifying to see the estimable
people at the Institute of
Economic Affairs in London become Britain's most reputable think-tank.
It is also largely to the
credit of the Thatcher Era that the Labour Party has moved rightward,
and largely abandoned its
loony left-wing views, and that the British have decisively abandoned
their post-Depression
psychosis about unemployment rates ever being higher than 1%.
The Thatcher accomplishments, however, are a very
different story, and very much of a
mixed-bag. On the positive side, there was a considerable amount of
denationalization and
privatization, including the sale of public housing units to the
tenants, thereby converting former
Labour voters to staunchly Conservative property owners. Another of her
successes was breaking
the massive power of the British trade unions.
Unfortunately, the pluses of the Thatcher economic
record are more than offset by the
stark fact that the State ends the Thatcher era more of a parasitic
burden on the British economy
and society than it was when she took office. For example, she never
dared touch the sacred cow
of socialized medicine, the National Health Service. For that and many
other reasons, British
government spending and revenues are more generous than ever.
Furthermore, despite Mrs. Thatcher's lip-service to
monetarism, her early successes
against inflation have been reversed, and monetary expansion,
inflation, government deficits, and
accompanying unemployment are higher than ever. Mrs. Thatcher left
office, after eleven years,
in the midst of a disgraceful inflationary recession:
with inflation at 11%, and
unemployment at 9%. In short, Mrs. Thatcher's macroeconomic record was
abysmal.
To top it off, her decisive blunder was the
replacement of local property taxes by an equal
tax per person (a "poll tax"). In England, in contrast to the United
States, the central government
has control over the local governments, many of which are ruled by
wild-spending left
Labourites. The equal tax was designed to curb the free-spending local
governments.
Instead, what should have been predictable
happened. The local governments generally
increased their spending and taxes, the higher equal tax biting
fiercely upon the poor and
middle-class, and then effectively placed the blame for the higher
taxes upon the Thatcher
regime. Moreover, in all this maneuvering, the Thatcherites forgot that
the great point about an
equal tax is precisely that taxes have to be drastically lowered so
that the poorest can pay them;
to raise equal tax rates above the old property tax, or to allow them
to be raised, is a species of
economic and political insanity, and Mrs. Thatcher reaped the proper
punishment for egregious
error.
Why then didn't the Thatcher government, upon
installing the equal tax for local
governments, directly decree drastically lower tax rates for each
locale? Then the British masses
would have welcomed instead of combatted the poll tax. The Thatcherite
answer is that the
central government would have had to assume funding of such local
government activities as
education, which would have raised either central taxes or the central
government deficit.
But that only pushed the analysis one step further:
why wasn't the Thatcher government
prepared to slash such spending, which is almost as bloated as in the
U.S.? Clearly the answer is
either that the Thatcherites did not truly believe their own rhetoric
or that they didn't have the
guts to raise the issue. In either case, Mrs. Thatcher deserved her
eventual fate.
In one area of the macro-economy we must regret the
exit of Mrs. Thatcher: hers was the
only voice raising a cry against the creation of the European Central
Bank, issuing a new
European currency unit. Unfortunately, and especially since the firing
of her monetarist economic
adviser, Sir Alan Walters, Mrs. Thatcher failed
to make a convincing case for her
opposition to this coming new order, putting it solely in cranky,
hectoring terms of British
national glory as against subordination to "Europe." She therefore came
off as a narrow
anti-European obstructionist as against a seemingly enlightened and
beneficent "united Europe."
The problem in almost all analyses of the new
European Community is the usual
conflation of State and society. Socially and economically, to the
extent that the new Europe will
be a vast free-trade and free-capital-investment area, this new order
will be all to the good:
expanding the division of labor, the productivity, and the living
standards of all the participating
nations. Unfortunately, the essence of the new Europe will not be its
free-trade area, but a giant
new State bureaucracy, headquartered in Strasbourg and Brussels,
controlling, regulating, and
"equalizing" tax rates everywhere by coercing the raising of taxes in
low-tax countries.
And the worst aspect of this united Europe is
precisely the area that Mrs. Thatcher zeroed
in on: money and banking. While the monetarists are dead wrong in
preferring a Europe (or a
world) of nationally fragmented fiat monies to an international gold
money, they are right in
warning of the dangers of the new scheme. For the problem is that the
new currency will of
course not be gold, a market-produced money, but a fiat paper issued in
new currency units. So
that the result of this neo-Keynesian scheme will be inflationary fiat
money, the issue of which is
controlled by the regional Central Bank, i.e., by the new regional
government.
This collaboration will then make it much easier
for the Central Banks of the U.S.,
Britain, and Japan, to collaborate with the new European Central Bank,
and thereby to move
rapidly toward the old Keynesian dream: a World Central Bank issuing a
new world paper
currency unit. And then, we would be truly off to the races, with the
world's Money and
macro-economy totally at the mercy of a world-wide inflation, centrally
controlled by
self-proclaimed all-wise Keynesian masters. It is unfortunate that Mrs.
Thatcher would not
articulate her opposition to the new monetary Europe in such terms.
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